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Our strategic presence in Geneva sets us apart as the sole NGO exclusively committed to economic, social, cultural, and environmental rights. This permits us to play a pivotal role in promoting and protecting these rights globally.
The impact of privatization in/of education on girls' right to education
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The impact of privatization in/of education on girls' right to education

Consultation on the impact of the privatisation in/of education on girls' right to education

 

The United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) is preparing a General Recommendation on girls and women’s right to education, which is a document produced by the Committee to give guidance on the interpretation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. For this purpose, the Committee is holding a half-day discussion on the topic on 7th July.

Non-governmental organisations and experts are also invited to send written contributions by 20th June (more information here).

The Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Right to Education Project are preparing a contribution on the impact of the privatisation in/of education on girls' right to education. Both organisations have been conducting research and/or reflecting on privatisation in/of education from a human rights perspective and would like to draw to CEDAW’s attention some of the impacts privatisation has on girls’ education.

For the preparation of this contribution to the CEDAW, we are collecting thoughts, data, and comments, and we would like to invite all civil society organisations working in the education field to share with us information and evidence we could refer to in our paper. Your input will be crucial in informing the contribution we are putting together.

 To facilitate this consultation, here is a list of guiding questions:

1. In your view, has privatisation in/of education led to the exclusion of women and girls from enjoying equal access to educational opportunities or otherwise impeded their ability to realise their right to education on equal footing with men and boys? If so, why? Do you have some examples?

2. Has privatisation in/of education resulted in other detrimental impacts on women and girls, such as the use of gender insensitive curricula or the propagation of gender stereotypes?  If so, why? Do you have some examples?

3. Does your organisation have any specific research or case studies highlighting the impact of privatisation on women and girls?

4. What do you think are the key messages to communicate to the CEDAW Committee around the issue of privatisation in/of education and its impact on girls?

You can send your ideas via the Right to Education’s online forum here http://www.right-to-education.org/page/right-education-discussion-forum, or you can contact directly Delphine Dorsi (Right to Education Project) This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it., and Mayra Gomez (Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights): This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. if you prefer.

NEW Guide: Human Rights Development and the Right to Participation
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NEW Guide: Human Rights Development and the Right to Participation

NEW Practitioners Guide: the Human Rights-Based Approach to Development and the Right to Participation

 

The Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights is pleased to release its latest publication aimed at strengthening the capacity of human rights advocates and development practitioners to advance rights globally.

The purpose of our latest Practitioners Guide, on the Human Rights-Based Approach to Development and the Right to Participation,  is to provide an analysis of how to best incorporate the right to active, free and meaningful participation in development.  The Guide also includes several case studies and provide lessons learned on how to better incorporate the right to participation into human rights-based development.

The human rights concept of empowerment is not something done to people or given to people.  It is a participatory process that engages people in reflection, inquiry and action in order to understand the power they themselves have to influence and change their lives.

For participation to be truly rights based, development agencies and other actors need to include local stakeholders in every facet of the development process, ensure they understand and have the capacity to make decisions about the project, and respect the right of the local population to deny a project.  Beyond being good practice, the concept of participation is firmly rooted in international law and results in more sustainable human development.

There are five major steps for development practitioners to incorporate participants according to a human rights based framework, and each of these are covered in detail within this Practitioner’s Guide.

The Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights thanks Kristin Frye and Katarina Deshotel and Professor Paul Nelson of the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Pittsburgh as well as Aled Dilwyn-Fisher for their substantial contributions to making this publication possible.

The Guide can be downloaded HERE.

 

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CESCR scrutinizes China on extra-territorial obligations
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CESCR scrutinizes China on extra-territorial obligations

Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights scrutinizes China on extra-territorial obligations

 

Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights scrutinizes China regarding extra-territorial human rights obligations

The Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which monitors compliance with the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), scrutinized China regarding its extra-territorial human rights obligations under the Covenant.  China is appearing before the Committee at its May of 2014 session.

The Committee has made clear that the ICESCR includes extra-territorial obligations to respect, protect and fulfill human rights, including by regulating and otherwise holding corporations accountable to those obligations for their activities abroad.

The Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights successfully intervened with a Parallel Report laying out the extra-territorial obligations under the ICESCR and requesting that the Committee include scrutiny on those obligations within the periodic review of China.  The Parallel Report relies in part on the Maastricht Principles on Extra-Territorial Obligations, which provide the clearest and most comprehensive reaffirmation of extra-territorial obligations under international human rights law.

The List of Issues recently adopted by the Committee, which defines the scope of review, requires China to “provide information on measures taken, including legislation, regulations, policies and guidance, to ensure that businesses respect economic, social and cultural rights throughout their operations – including when operating abroad –, in particular in the extractives sector and in commercial operations involving the appropriation of land.”

This examination of China provides advocates the opportunity to address the issue of extra-territorial obligations and provides the Committee the opportunity to more clearly articulate the extra-territorial obligations under the ICESCR, including specifically referencing the Maastricht Principles on Extra-Territorial Obligations.  To that end, the Global Initiative and the International Human Rights Clinic at Western New England University School of Law submitted additional Parallel reports related to China’s extra-territorial obligations under the ICESCR as well as factual situations involved China’s violations of those obligations.

The Global Initiative’s Parallel Report regarding the List of Issues can be found HERE

The List of Issues can be found HERE

The Global Initiative’s Parallel Report on the legal analysis for the periodic review can be found HERE

The Joint Global Initiative – International Human Rights Clinic at Western New England University School of Law factual Parallel Report can be found HERE

The Global Initiative's oral intervention can be found HERE.

 

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Oral Statement regarding China by GI-ESCR to CESCR
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Oral Statement regarding China by GI-ESCR to CESCR

Oral Statement regarding China by GI-ESCR to Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

 

United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

52nd Session (28 April – 9 May)

 Consideration of State Party Reports:

Second Periodic Report of the People’s Republic of China

 

Oral Statement by Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

 

  1. My statement on behalf of the Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, addresses the extra-territorial obligations of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) under the ICESCR and in particular in relation to:

  2. the regulation of corporate entities domiciled within its territory and operating overseas;

  3. entities acting under its authority outside its territory, including State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) operating overseas;

  4. its policies on official development assistance, on international agriculture and trade and for State-Owned overseas investment or credit entities (including International Financial Institutions such as the proposed BRIC Development Bank) for decisions affecting human rights outside its territory.

    1. The extra-territorial application of State obligations under human rights treaties is well established in international law: it is supported by the UN Charter[1], the International Law Commission’s Articles on Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts[2] and the International Court of Justice.[3] The Committee has recently affirmed the extra-territorial obligations of States under the Covenant in its Concluding Obligations in respect of Germany[4], Austria[5] and Norway[6] and in its General Comments and Statements.[7]

    2. The extent and nature of States’ extra-territorial obligations have been helpfully summarized in the Maastricht Principles on Extra-Territorial Obligations in the Area of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.[8]

Non-state actors

  1. In relation to business entities domiciled in the PRC, but acting outside its territory, we submit that the PRC has obligations to take measures to ensure that such entities do not nullify or impair the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights of persons outside its territory affected by the entity’s operations.[9]

  2. Our supplementary report provides examples of Chinese domiciled companies that have operations overseas that have allegedly been involved in serious violations of the ICESCR in other countries. The lack of Chinese regulation or oversight of these companies has meant that there is no accountability for these human rights abuses.

  3. Many Chinese companies operating overseas are SOEs and therefore acting under the State’s authority. Clearly the PRC has Covenant obligations to respect and protect human rights in respect of those entities’ overseas operations.

  4. For instance Chinese transnational corporation Sinohydro which is wholly owned by the State is a partner in a hydroelectric dam construction project in Honduras, which has involved violent forced evictions in contravention of international law and violations of the rights to food, water and indigenous people’s rights. The projects failed to consult with local communities or obtain their free, prior and informed consent to the taking of their traditional lands, leading to loss of livelihoods and forcing the community into poverty.

  5. We urge the Committee to affirm China’s extra-territorial obligations to respect and to protect Covenant rights abroad by, inter alia, regulating the activities of business entities domiciled in its territory, including State-Owned entities, for activities undertaken abroad and to ensure that accountability mechanisms and remedies are available to victims of those violations.

International development assistance and investments

  1. The financial support and other development decisions of international financial institutions and investment entities such as the proposed BRICs Development Bank and the China Africa Development Fund can both contribute to the fulfillment of human rights as well as result in violations of human rights outside the territories of the member States.

  2. Our report provides examples of serious ICESCR violations associated with development projects funded and supervised by Chinese State-Owned development and investment entities.[10] In part as a consequence of the PRC’s lack of human rights regulation, human rights impact assessment, monitoring mechanisms and complaints mechanism, there has been no accountability for those human rights abuses.

  3. For example a number of oil exploration projects in Kenya financed by various Chinese SOEs, including the China Development Bank and undertaken by the China National Offshore Oil Company which was granted exclusive exploration rights to more than half of Kenya’s substantial exploration oil blocks. The project has involved forced evictions, and violations of the rights to food and water. Similarly, copper and cobalt mining projects in the DRC undertaken by Chinese SOEs and financed by Chinese development and investment banks have reportedly involved forced evictions of local communities into poverty and homelessness, violations of the right to food and water (depriving subsistence farmers of their land and water resources and forcing them into reliance on other food sources and into poverty) and appalling working conditions. They have also been connected to child labor.

  4. These violations may have been prevented had China had in place, as is required by the Covenant, legislation and policies that require SOEs and Chinese officials representing the PRC in international development assistance and financing entities, to:

  5. undertake human rights impact assessments prior to project/ funding approval;

  6. put in place and implement effective monitoring mechanisms in respect of projects;

  7. ensure the effective and accessible accountability mechanisms are in place and remedies available for victims of violations.

Conclusion

  1. In summary, the GI-ESCR urges the Committee to make recommendations highlighting the PRC’s extra-territorial obligations to respect, to protect and, where relevant, to fulfill ICESCR rights in relation to:

  2. entities acting under its authority outside its territory, including State-Owned Enterprises;

  3. corporations and business entities domiciled in China, acting outside its territory; and

  4. its policies on official development assistance, on agriculture and trade and State-Owned overseas investment or credit entities (including International Financial Institutions such as the proposed BRIC Development Bank) for decisions affecting human rights outside its territory - through human rights impact assessments and effective monitoring and complaint mechanisms.

5 May 2014

Bret Thiele Co-Executive Director Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. Lucy McKernan UN Liaison – Geneva Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

 

 

[1] Charter of the United Nations, Art. 55 & 56, 26 June 1945, 59 Stat. 1031, T.S. 993, 3 Bevans 1153, entered into force 24 October 1945.

[2] See, International Law Commission, Articles on Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts, Arts. 1, 2 and 3 (adopted by the ILC in 2001).

[3] International Court of Justice, Advisory Opinion on the Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (9 July 2004).

[4] EC/C.12/AUT/CO/5 of 2011

[5] E/C.12/AUT/CO/4 of 2013

[6] E/C.12/NOR/CO/5 of 2013

[7] See: E/C.12/2002/11, General Comment 15 (2002) on the Right to Water; E/C.12/GC/18, General Comment 18 (2005) on the Right to Work; E/C./GC/19, General Comment 19 (2008) on the Right to Social Security; and E/C.12/2011/1, Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights ‘Statement on the obligations of States parties regarding the corporate sector and economic, social and cultural rights’ (2011).

[8] The Maastricht Principles are a restatement of law based on existing conventional and customary international law. They were adopted by leading experts from around the world, including a former member of the Human Rights Committee and members and former members of other treaty bodies. Drawn from international law, the Maastricht Principles clarify the content of extra-territorial State obligations to realize economic, social and cultural rights but also explicitly apply to the full spectrum of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights.

[9] As was found by the Committee in respect of Norway in 2013 – see note 6 above.

[10] Such as the Export-Import Bank of China, the China Development Bank, the China Construction Bank and the China Africa Development Fund.

25th of the UN Human Rights Council
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25th of the UN Human Rights Council

ESC Rights Update from Geneva: 25th of the UN Human Rights Council, Spring 2014

 

Spring 2014

Economic, social and cultural (ESC) rights were well represented at the 25th session of the Human Rights Council in March.  There were at least 5 resolutions directly dealing with ESC rights, on: economic, social and cultural rights; food; housing; cultural rights, and environment.  Experts in relation to three of those rights also reported to the Council during this session, namely the: Special Rapporteur on adequate housing as a component of the right to an adequate standard of living; Special Rapporteur on the right to food; and Independent Expert on the issue of human rights obligations relating to the enjoyment of a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment .[1]  Whilst the Council was scheduled to appoint new mandate holders for the Special Rapporteurs on Adequate Housing and Food (and others), the appointments were postponed pending further negotiations amongst States.  It is believed that some States were unhappy with the geographical spread of candidates nominated by the President.

Below is a summary of the activity relating to ESC rights generally, the right to food and the right to adequate housing at the 25th session of the UN Human Rights Council.

Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

The ESC rights resolution was again led by Portugal and was adopted without a vote[2] after some last minute amendments.  The omnibus resolution entitled ‘Question of the realisation in all countries of economic, social and cultural rights’[3] again called on States to sign and ratify the ICESCR and whilst it ‘welcomed’ the entry into force of the Optional Protocol, the use of weak language, calling on States to ‘consider’ signing the OP was disappointing.  The resolution also acknowledged the Secretary-General’s report on access to justice[4] and ESC rights and requested the Secretary-General to prepare a further report for 2015, this time focusing on social protection floors.

The resolution contained new language on access to effective remedies and referred to the joint UN Social Protection Floor Initiative and ILO recommendation 202 (2012) on that topic. The resolution also included new language on the post-2015 development agenda focusing States’ attention on some of the specific areas in which the human rights framework can strengthen the MDGs post-2015: ‘Underlining the imperative need to accelerate efforts towards the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals, and recognizing the crucial importance of giving due consideration to the realization of [ESCRs] in the elaboration of the post-2015 development agenda’ and ‘to equality, social protection and accountability’.

Continuing with its outlier role vis-à-vis ESC rights, the US was the only State to explain its position in relation to this resolution.  Not being a party to the ICESCR, the US pointed out that by joining consensus on this resolution it does not become bound by the Covenant. The US also ‘regretted’ reference to the ‘right to development’ which it says does not have an international understanding and which the US does not consider a human right in the legal sense. Finally, the US noted its view that the Human Rights Council is not the agreed venue for reaching consensus on the post-2105 development agenda and ‘nothing in the resolution should be construed as pre-determining’ it.

Right to Adequate Housing

The Special Rapporteur on the right to adequate housing, Raquel Rolnik, presented her final report[5] to the Council and engaged in an Interactive Dialogue, together with the Special Rapporteur on the right to food.  Her report focused on security of tenure and presented 10 Guiding Principles on Security of Tenure for the urban poor.  The report noted that globally, tenure insecurity was responsible for many millions of people living under daily threat of eviction, lack of access to services, or discrimination by public and private actors, and that the poorest bear the brunt of tenure insecurity.  She emphasized that tenure rights extend beyond mainstream notions of private ownership and include multiple tenure forms including collective models.

The Report also included the Rapporteur’s two country reports for 2013: the United Kingdom and Indonesia.  Following a controversial country mission to the UK last year, the UK Ambassador in her oral statement pointed out the UK’s disagreements with the Special Rapporteur’s report and that they do not consider the Guiding Principles on Security of Tenure to be appropriate for the UK.

In the Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur, State interventions were generally positive and supported the Guiding Principles on Security of Tenure.  The co-sponsors, Germany and Finland emphasized non-discrimination and the particular vulnerability of women to insecure tenure and the differential adverse impact on women. A couple of States pointed out the role played by non-State and business actors in protecting security of tenure.

After a break of two years since the last resolution on adequate housing, Germany and Finland, put forward a strong draft resolution, including new language on security of tenure.  The resolution was adopted without a vote after being orally revised[6].  The final text was slightly weakened (compared with the original draft) although retained many strong provisions which advanced the Council’s pronouncements on this right.  The resolution extended the mandate of the Special Rapporteur for a further 3 years and added a clause recalling the Code of Conduct for Special Procedures Mandate Holders and stressing compliance.[7]

New language expressed concern about: the numbers of people living in unserviced and unplanned urban poor settlements and their vulnerability to disease, disasters, unemployment and lack of education; the number of foreclosures in recent years and the inadequate protections for tenants in private rental; and the disproportionate impact of the deterioration in the general housing situation on a number of groups.  Further, new language recognized the importance of security of tenure and the need to promote a variety of tenure forms in urban development, land management and land administration.

It was pleasing to see the post-2015 development agenda also received attention for the first time in this resolution which called on States to ‘give due consideration’ to the right to adequate housing in the elaboration of the post-2015 development agenda.

Finally, new language was introduced which strengthened the call on States to cooperate with the Special Rapporteur by calling for ‘constructive dialogue’ in relation to follow-up and implementation of her or his recommendations.

In negotiations, South Africa, Egypt, the US and the GRULAC States played a vocal role.  There were anecdotal reports that the negotiations for this resolution were difficult.  Many were disappointed in particular by the retrogressive stance taken by South Africa on this and other resolutions before the Council this session.  In particular, a number of NGOs, including South African NGOs, commented on South Africa’s contribution in its first Council session since it became a member[8] and given its strong domestic protection of ESC rights.

Again, the US was the only State to provide an explanation of its position and it was very similar to that provided in relation to the ESC rights resolution.  In addition, the US stated that it read references to ‘non-discrimination’ as referring to the defined term in international law, and, wrongly, that security of tenure is not a human right, nor it is an element of the right to adequate housing in international law.

Right to Food

The Special Rapporteur on the right to food, Olivier De Schutter, presented to the Council his final report entitled ‘The Transformative Potential of the Right to Food’[9], including reports on his country visits to Malaysia and Malawi.  The culmination of his six years work as Special Rapporteur, the report summarizes his previous recommendations, provides his diagnosis of the problems in fulfilling the right to food for all and proposes a new paradigm and way forward which involves a radical and democratic redesign of food systems.  De Schutter advocates the movement away from a system that prioritizes efficiency and increased production, to one that pays attention to distribution, food sovereignty, support of small-scale producers, adequate nutrition and ecological sustainability.  He emphasizes the need for monitoring and accountability mechanisms and participatory policy-making and for an international enabling environment which means reform by the North particularly in relation to international trade and agricultural policies.

In the Clustered Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteurs, many States took the floor to comment on De Schutter’s report and term as mandate holder.  Comments were generally positive and supportive.  Many pointed out the importance of food sovereignty and supporting small-scale producers and a number of countries also emphasized the central role of women in food security and that empowering women was a necessary precursor to eradicating hunger.  Many countries of the Global South were eager to underscore the critical importance of an enabling international environment and in particular a shift in international trade and agricultural policies. These comments should be seen in the context of the December 2013 WTO Ministerial Meeting which agreed the ‘Bali package’ including a controversial ‘peace clause’ relating to developing country public stockholding programs for food security - a result widely seen as evidence that, unfortunately, free trade is still viewed by some as trumping the right to food.

The resolution on the right to food, led again by Cuba, was also adopted without a vote after oral revisions.[10]  Despite efforts by some States to push for the ‘stream-lining’ of resolutions, the resolution remains 8 pages and 51 operative paragraphs in length.

The resolution extends the mandate of the Special Rapporteur for a further 3 years.  It contains only a small amount of new language. Importantly, a definition of the right to food[11] was introduced in the preambular paragraphs. Some new language links work by the Human Rights Council with the UN Conference on Sustainable Development and that of the Committee on World Food Security which is developing voluntary and non-binding principles for responsible agricultural investments and refers to the 2013 FAO Report ‘The State of Food Insecurity in the World 2013’. Additional new language is also introduced relating to international cooperation support for adapted technologies, ‘research on rural advisory services’, ‘access to financing services’ and the ‘establishment of secure land tenure systems’ and also highlighting the need to facilitate access of small-scale food producers, to national and international markets and their empowerment in value chains.

The EU raised its on-going concern about the ‘causal linkage proposed in [OP15] between … current distortions in the agricultural trading system’ and ‘local producers and poor farmers to compete and sell their products’ which it says is a simplification and does not take account of the complexity of issues relating to food security.

The next session of the Council, in June 2014, will again consider ESC rights and the GI-ESCR will have a forthcoming update on those developments.

 

3 April 2014 Lucy McKernan

UN Liaison This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

 

 

[1] A/HRC/25/53 and Add.1

[2] And with some 62 co-sponsors, although the co-sponsorship list had not closed at date of publication.

[3] A/HRC/25/L.16

[4] A/HRC/25/31

[5] A/HRC/25/54, Add.1–2 and Add. 4

[6] A/HRC/25/L.18/Rev.1 – co-sponsored by 63 States.

[7] This was one of a number of amendments proposed by Egypt and others, relating to the role of the Special Procedures mandate holders.

[8] See http://seri-sa.org/index.php/38-latest-news/237-press-statement-south-african-delegation-at-the-human-rights-council-may-weaken-the-international-status-of-the-right-to-adequate-housing-27-march-2014

[9] A/HRC/25/57 and Add.1–2

[10] A/HRC/25/L.26

[11] Taken from Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, General Comment 12

Legal accountability of non-State actors for human rights violations
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Legal accountability of non-State actors for human rights violations

Legal accountability of non-State actors for human rights violations abroad: Developments in Geneva


Legal accountability of non-State actors for  human rights violations abroad: Developments during March 2014 in Geneva

‘No work, no water, no school, no temple. Just malaria’ is how one Cambodian villager described their situation after some 1,100 families were evicted from their lands to make way for a huge casino in the Botum Sakor National Park.

The Chinese developer, Union Development Group, bulldozed the lands, destroyed the rice fields and set fire to the houses of those who had refused the pitiful compensation amounts offered[1] leaving the affected villagers with nothing.  In the same month we heard of forced relocations in Sierra Leone of hundreds of families from verdant agricultural land causing loss of livelihoods and poverty, carried out by London-based African Minerals Limited and the government.[2] In the vast majority of cases of cross-border human rights abuses by non-State actors, there is no accountability and the victims receive no redress.

In the face of widespread impunity for such human rights abuses NGOs, including the GI-ESCR, victims and States, are calling for non-State actors to be bound by enforceable legal obligations to comply with human rights standards.  This is being pursued from two different angles in the human rights system and both received close attention this month in Geneva.

First, in relation to States, many are calling for recognition of the existing extra-territorial obligations of States under human rights treaties – ie. International law obligations to persons outside a States’ territory.  This is accepted by many States and confirmed by jurisprudence from a number of treaty bodies and the International Court of Justice.[3]  Regarding corporate activities abroad, the extra-territorial obligation to protect obliges States to ensure that businesses incorporated or domiciled within their jurisdiction do not violate human rights abroad.  Furthermore, States have extra-territorial obligations to respect, protect and fulfil human rights abroad including through decisions made as part of inter-governmental organisations including international financial institutions (such as the World Bank and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development[4]).[5]

Second, there is a strong push for greater accountability of business actors for human rights abuses through a binding international legal instrument (a treaty) and increasing frustration with the slow pace of implementation and unenforceability of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.

At the Human Rights Council and the Human Rights Committee these issues were under discussion this month and they are likely to continue to create much interest and excitement in the months leading up to the June session of the Council when the mandate of the Working Group on business and human rights is due to be renewed and as the issue of extra-territoriality is brought before several treaty bodies.

Extra-territorial obligations

The Human Rights Committee during its review of the US this month again challenged the US to abandon its legally flawed position of denying the extra-territorial application of the ICCPR.  The US delegation maintained its position that the treaty (Article 2.1) should be interpreted to mean that States have obligations only in respect of persons within its jurisdiction AND territory and that the drafting history of the treaty supported that view.  The US is particularly sensitive because of the implications for its Guantanamo Bay prison and recent controversies over its NSA cross-border telecommunications surveillance program.  A New York Times article[6] which discussed a leaked legal memo from a former senior US State Department lawyer advising against the US position enlivened the issue giving the Committee further ammunition.

Mr Kaelin[7] challenged the US asking: whether the delegation recognised that its position on extraterritoriality allowed it to commit violations everywhere except in its own territory?; and whether it agreed that the non-applicability of the Covenant to extraterritorial activities was a dangerous position to take as it leads to impunity for rights violations? [8] The Committee’s conclusions[9] which came out today reiterated its ‘regret’ at the US’s position and called on the US to ‘interpret the Covenant in good faith’ and ‘acknowledge [its] extra-territorial application’.

The Human Rights Committee has already issued concluding observations on the issue of home State regulation of transnational corporations in the context of a German company operating a coffee plantation in Uganda which was implicated in the violent forced eviction of 2,000 villagers and the destruction of their homes and property.[10] Just recently the ICESCR Committee also affirmed extra-territorial obligations in its conclusions on Norway which urged it to ensure that investments in foreign companies operating in third countries made by the Norway Government pension fund are subject to a comprehensive human rights impact assessment and to adopt measures to prevent human rights contraventions abroad by corporations which are domiciled in Norway.  In relation to Austria the Committee called upon the State to adopt a human rights-based approach to its policies on official development assistance and on agriculture and trade, through human rights impact assessments, including ensuring that there is an accessible complaint mechanism for victims in receiving countries.[11]

Push for a treaty on transnational corporations

In the same week, Ecuador and South Africa hosted a side event at the Council to discuss the idea of a binding treaty on transnational corporations.  There was a lot of interest from both States and NGOs.  Those hoping for some detail as to the content or coverage of a treaty and its possible enforcement mechanism were disappointed as the event aimed more at scoping political support.  States’ positions generally lined up along Global South / North divisions with Ethiopia, Cuba and Bolivia voicing their support for a TNCs treaty, and Ireland and the European Union urging States to give the Guiding Principles more time to be implemented and to work to improve the functioning of the Working Group on business and human rights.  The latter States drew attention to current efforts to implement the Guiding Principles, such as National Action Plans and the EU Initiative on conflict minerals and cautioned against diverting attention and efforts towards a treaty at the expense of implementation of the GPs.  The EU representative urged States to ‘cherish what we have’ in the GPs pointing out the long and difficult history in achieving consensus on the GPs resolution.

Cautions also came from Dr Michael Addo on behalf of the Working Group and Mr John Knox, Special Rapporteur on the Environment, that a treaty might not be the silver bullet that some are suggesting A similar position was taken by Professor John Ruggie[12] is his recent Issues Brief.[13]  They point to the long negotiation period for any new treaty, a number of previous failed attempts to agree binding principles in this area[14] and the question of whether the most pertinent host States (eg: the US, Canada, the UK and European States) are likely to ratify a TNCs treaty in any event.  Mr Addo gave a strong defence of the Working Group’s work and the GPs.  Mr Knox rightly identified the key problem as enforcement and access to remedies.  He suggested, in a similar vein to Ruggie, a more focused, and therefore achievable, treaty exercise which did not attempt to be all encompassing but focused on finding solutions to a part of the problem.

In the meantime, Norway is busy consulting with States and NGOs to see what support it has for its June resolution and to what extent this push for a TNCs treaty might undermine its aim for a consensus resolution on the business and human rights mandate.

Hopefully the two processes are not construed as mutually exclusive and can advance side by side.  A treaty is a very important long-term goal, whereas the Guiding Principles are currently operational and amendable to further work on improving and strengthening their content. Strengthening the Guiding Principles, including having them incorporate the recognized extra-territorial obligations of States to protect rights abroad, could prove to be particularly critical if, as is plausible, an inter-governmental treaty process takes the Guiding Principles as its normative starting point or baseline.

The recently released OHCHR commissioned report on ‘Corporate liability for gross human rights abuses: Towards a fairer and more effective system of domestic law remedies’[15] also weighs into the debate.  The report pursues the Ruggie suggestion of focusing on ‘gross human rights violations’ and will be critiqued for this narrowing.  Further, whilst the report ‘does not make any case for extraterritorial solutions over local solutions (or vice versa)[16] it is sceptical, finding:

First it is not yet clear that, in relation to business and human rights, close convergence of legal standards and procedures is a desirable, let alone feasible, project.  Second, there would be immense implementation difficulties associated with a treaty aimed at addressing the full range of gross human rights abuses, and all the contexts and circumstances in which they potentially arise.  Finally, such a solution is unlikely to overcome many of the most serious barriers to remedy....[17]

The Report identifies extraterritoriality issues as a barrier to access to remedy[18] however it points out the legally flawed suggestion in the Guiding Principles that States do not have treaty obligations to regulate the extra-territorial activities of businesses domiciled in its territory.[19]  Therefore an important part of the work to strengthen the Guiding Principles will be to update date them on developments on extra-territoriality emanating from the treaty bodies and the International Court of Justice and usefully restated in the Maastricht Principles on Extra-territorial Obligations.

Watch this space as the Committee on Economic Social and Cultural Rights considers the same questions in relation to China (and others) and expect the US to increasingly be an outlier on the issue of extra-territoriality.  Watch this space also as the question of a TNCs treaty shapes up as a South/ North tussle leading up to the June Council session.  Expect a lot more effort and focus on National Action Plans by countries of the Global North and some diplomatic manoeuvring by Norway to include language in its resolution that might satisfy some States who support moves towards a TNCs treaty.  Let’s hope that a dual track approach can be maintained, recognising the valuable work on the long-term goal of a binding international treaty on business and human rights, and on the medium-term goal of updating and strengthening the Guiding Principles and the role of the Working Group.

 

27 March 2014

Lucy McKernan UN Liaison – Geneva Global Initiative on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

 

 

[1] ‘Cambodian Villagers Land Bulldozed for UDG Casino Complex’, CorpWatch Blog, 14 March 2014, available at www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=15936

[2] ‘Whose Development? Human Rights Abuses in Sierra Leone’s Mining Boom’ Human Rights Watch, February 2014, available at www.hrw.org/reports/2014/02/19/whose-development-0

[3] See, e.g.,, International Court of Justice, Advisory Opinion on the Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (9 July 2004) at para. 109; Maastricht Principles on Extra-Territorial Obligations of States in the area of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (adopted 28 September 2011).

[4] See joint NGO Statement about the disappointing backwards step on human rights protections and due diligence in its Draft Environment and Social Policy, available at http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/related_material/140304_EBRDStatement.pdf

[5] See our work on the World Bank’s complicity in human rights abuses associated with the Chioxy Dam project by way of example: http://globalinitiative-escr.org/chixoy-dam/

[6] Savage, C. ‘US seems unlikely to accept that rights treaty applies to its actions abroad’, New York Times, 6 March 2014, see http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/07/world/us-seems-unlikely-to-accept-that-rights-treaty-applies-to-its-actions-abroad.html?_r=0

[7] Committee member from Switzerland

[8] These are not direct quotes but from my notes when observing the dialogue with the US.  For an unofficial summary of the dialogue prepared by OHCHR see: http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=14383&LangID=E

[9] See http://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/treatybodyexternal/Download.aspx?symbolno=INT%2fCCPR%2fCOC%2fUSA%2f16838&Lang=en

[10] See http://globalinitiative-escr.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/11/ICCPR-Con-Obs-Germany-2012.pdf

[11] See here http://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/treatybodyexternal/Download.aspx?symbolno=E%2fC.12%2fAUT%2fCO%2f4&Lang=en

[12] Former UN Special Representative on Business and Human Rights

[13] Ruggie, J.G., ‘A UN Business and Human Rights Treaty? An Issues Brief by John G. Ruggie’, 28 January 2014, available at http://www.hks.harvard.edu/m-rcbg/CSRI/UNBusinessandHumanRightsTreaty.pdf

[14] including the ‘Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights’ considered (2004) but never approved by the UN Commission on Human Rights.

[15] Zerk, J. ‘Corporate liability for gross human rights abuses: Towards a fairer and more effective system of domestic law remedies’, report prepared for the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, available at http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/Business/DomesticLawRemedies/StudyDomesticeLawRemedies.pdf

[16] Ibid. p 114

[17] Ibid. p 10

[18] Ibid. p 68

[19] Ibid. p 55

Launch of The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
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Launch of The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

Launch of The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights: Commentary, Cases, and Materials

 

The International Service for Human Rights, Australian Permanent Mission to the United Nations in Geneva, and the Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights hosted at the United Nations in Geneva a lunchtime reception and launch of The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights: Commentary, Cases, and Materials by Ben Saul, David Kinley, and Jaqueline Mowbray (Oxford University Press, 2014) Economic, social and cultural rights have come of age.  This book brings together all essential documents, materials, and case law relating to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and its Optional Protocol.  It presents extracts from primary materials alongside critical commentary and analysis, placing the documents in their wider context and situating economic, social, and cultural rights within the broader human rights framework.

At the launch, Lucy McKernan of the Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights emphasized the crucial role of NGOs and human rights defenders in the development of ESC rights at the international level and the implementation of ESC rights on the ground.

The GI-ESCR remarks can be read HERE.

For more information and to order copies of the book, see HERE.

Using CEDAW to Secure Women’s Land and Property Rights: A Practical Guide
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Using CEDAW to Secure Women’s Land and Property Rights: A Practical Guide

Using CEDAW to Secure Women’s Land and Property Rights: A Practical Guide

 

The Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights is pleased to release its latest publication aimed at strengthening the capacity of human rights advocates to advance rights globally.

The purpose of Using CEDAW to Secure Women’s Land and Property Rights: A Practical Guide is to provide advocacy information, advice and tools to those wishing to use the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and its Optional Protocol to secure the land and property rights of women.  Our Guide is directed at NGOs and advocates working on these specific issues.  Many very good general guides on engaging with CEDAW are available online.[1]  We do not intend to repeat the material that can be found in those Guides, but to provide a more targeted resource that provides substantive and practical guidance particular to the land and property rights of women.

The Global Initiative would like to express it sincere thanks to Alicia Estrada, Karen Santana, Lauren Carasik, and Anka Mason at International Human Rights Clinic at Western New England University School of Law for their valuable contributions to this Guide.

The Guide can be downloaded HERE.

 

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[1]  See, for example, the CEDAW Knowledge Resource from IWRAW-Asia & Pacific, available online at: http://www.iwraw-ap.org/using_cedaw/

Human Rights Committee scrutinizes the United States
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Human Rights Committee scrutinizes the United States

Human Rights Committee scrutinizes the United States regarding extra-territorial human rights obligations

 

Human Rights Committee scrutinizes the United States regarding extra-territorial human rights obligations The Human Rights Committee, which monitors compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), scrutinized the United States regarding its extra-territorial human rights obligations under the Covenant.  The U.S. appeared before the Committee in March 2014 for its periodic review.

The Committee has made clear that the ICCPR includes extra-territorial obligations to respect and to ensure human rights, including by regulating and otherwise holding corporations accountable to those obligations for their activities abroad.

The Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights successfully intervened with a Parallel Report laying out the extra-territorial obligations under the ICCPR and requesting that the Committee include scrutiny on those obligations within the periodic review of the U.S.

The List of Issues recently adopted by the Committee, which defines the scope of review, requires the U.S. to discuss its understanding of the “the scope of applicability of the Covenant with respect to individuals under its jurisdiction but outside its territory; in times of peace, as well as in times of  armed conflict”.  As the Parallel Report makes clear, the jurisprudence of the Committee provides a clear articulation of the extra-territorial application of ICCPR obligations.  Notwithstanding, the U.S. continues to states that the ICCPR only applies within U.S. territory.

The Global Initiative’s Parallel Report for the periodic review also calls on the Committee to hold the U.S. accountable for extra-territorial obligations in the context of decisions made within international financial institutions such as the World Bank.

This examination of the U.S. provided advocates the opportunity to address the issue of extra-territorial obligations and provides the Committee the opportunity to finally settle this misinterpretation by the U.S. of its treaty obligations.

UPDATE

The Human Rights Committee issued the following Concluding Observation related to ETOs under the ICCPR

4.            The Committee regrets that the State party continues to maintain its position that the Covenant does not apply with respect to individuals under its jurisdiction but outside its territory, despite the contrary interpretation of article 2(1) supported by the Committee’s established jurisprudence, the jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice and state practice. The Committee further notes that the State party has only limited avenues to ensure that state and local governments respect and implement the Covenant, and that its provisions have been declared to be non-self-executing at the time of ratification. Taken together, these elements considerably limit the legal reach and the practical relevance of the Covenant (art. 2).

The State party should:

(a)               Interpret the Covenant in good faith, in accordance with the ordinary meaning to be given to its terms in their context, including subsequent practice, and in the light of its object and purpose and review its legal position so as to acknowledge the extraterritorial application of the Covenant under certain circumstances, as outlined inter alia in the Committee’s general comment No. 31 (2004) on the nature of the general legal obligation imposed on States parties to the Covenant;’

 

The Global Initiative’s Parallel Report regarding the List of Issues can be found HERE.

The List of Issues can be found HERE.

The Global Initiative’s Parallel Report on the legal analysis for the periodic review can be found HERE.

The Joint Global Initiative – International Human Rights Clinic at Western New England University School of Law factual Parallel Reports can be found HERE and HERE.

 A Summary of the Human Rights Committee's questioning can be found HERE.

Concluding Observations on the United States can be found HERE.

 

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Climate and Environmental Justice

We have advanced rights-based and gender-transformative transition frameworks through research that centres the lived experiences of women and marginalised communities on the frontlines of extractive energy policies, promoting climate and energy frameworks attentive to the social and care-related impacts of transition pathways. We have developed a clear vision for a gender-just transition, firmly rooted in gender and human rights norms, establishing both the legal basis and the direction for the transformative changes our planet and societies urgently need. In particular, the ‘Guiding Principles for Gender Equality and Human Rights in the Energy Transition’, a collective effort built through online consultations, an in-person workshop and multiple rounds of revision with activists, practitioners and experts from around the world, outline a transformative vision for reshaping global energy systems through a human rights and gender equality lens.

Our work recognises that the climate emergency is both an existential threat and an opportunity to reimagine societies built on social, gender, economic and environmental justice. We ground our advocacy in feminist and intersectional principles, prioritising the agency and perspectives of communities in the Global South who have contributed the least to the climate emergency yet face its most devastating consequences. Central to our approach is the understanding that energy is not merely a commodity but a fundamental human right; essential for dignity, health, education, work and the realisation of countless other rights. We challenge approaches to the energy transition that risk replicating the harmful patterns of fossil fuel extraction and, instead, advocate for transformative policies that ensure human rights and gender equality as central to building climate-resilient societies rooted in dignity, justice and planetary well-being.

What's next?

We will continue to challenge approaches that treat energy transition as merely a technical shift, instead positioning it as an opportunity to reimagine economies and societies rooted in dignity for all, with particular attention to communities in the Global South who have contributed least to the climate emergency yet are most exposed to its worst effects.

We will connect community-level evidence and the lived experiences of those on the frontlines of extractive policies to national reform and global norm-setting, breaking down silos between human rights, gender, and climate movements, and advancing a shared vision that recognises just transitions as not only fundamental to achieving climate-resilient and sustainable societies, but as transformative pathways that advance social and gender equality, redistribute power and resources equitably, and ensure that energy systems serve the public good rather than profit.

We will mainstream rights-based and genderjust transition priorities in key multilateral spaces (particularly, within the Just Transition Work Programme and the to-be-developed Just Transition Mechanism, within the UNFCCC) to guarantee that just transitions are advanced at all levels.

We will also translate our work, through strategic advocacy, into at least two concrete policy wins, whether promoted, adopted, implemented, or scaled, in priority countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Colombia, South Africa, or Kenya), ensuring these policies align with human rights standards, centre gender equality, and reflect the needs and views of affected communities.

We will build momentum for the progressive recognition of the right to sustainable energy to shift dominant narratives away from purely extractive solutions that sideline gendered impacts, community participation, and Global South perspectives.

Economic Justice and Climate Finance

Our work has transformed the global discussion on fiscal policy in a more just, emancipatory and sustainable direction. Our approach has combined both high-level, expert contributions within decisionmaking circles, with bold, impactful work on narrative change with the general public.

We have been instrumental in the inclusion of human rights as a guiding principle of the future United Nations Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation, a multilateral instrument with the potential of raising approx. USD 492 billion per year in public revenues currently foregone to global tax abuse. In the process leading to the ‘Compromiso de Sevilla’ decided at FfD4, we proposed and succeeded in creating a specific human rights workstream within the Civil Society Financing for Development Mechanism, which was critical to ensure that explicit commitments on the matter were included in the negotiating outcome. In a context of cutbacks in multilateral institutions, we have amplified the capacities of technical experts, providing rigorous technical support and leveraging our influence to ensure the enactments of groundbreaking standard-setting instruments, such as the 2025 UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Statement on Fiscal Policy and Human Rights, and the first ex oficio hearing on the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights on Fiscal and Economic Policies to Address Poverty and Structural Inequality, leading to an upcoming thematic resolution on the matter. We have also bridged the silos between multilateral tax discussions and climate finance debates, promoting ambitious financing commitments to increase international and domestic resource mobilisation during COP 28, 29 and 30.

At the regional level, our engagement with fiscal cooperation platforms such as the Platform for Fiscal Cooperation of Latin America and the Caribbean (PTLAC), where we are member of its Civil Society Consultative Council, and the African Anti-IFFs Policy Tracker, for which we participated in the pilot mission in Ivory Coast together with Tax Justice Network Africa (TJNA), have been critical in cementing a growing engagement between tax administrations and ministries of finance with international legal experts, exploring actionable and transformative initiatives, such as the taxation of high-net-worth individuals, beneficial ownership registries and corporate countryby-country reports, to be implemented at the international level.

At the local level, our interventions in fiscal reform debates in Chile, Brazil, Colombia and Nigeria have contributed to shaping legislative outcomes in a more progressive, rights-compliant direction.

As for our leadership in narrative change, we have a measurable track record in delivering tailored, innovative campaigns which have decisively expanded economic justice constituencies by appealing to a broader tent. In Latin America and the Caribbean, we created the ‘Date Cuenta’ campaign, coordinating over 40 organisations across civil society to deliver plain language, innovative messaging connecting progressive fiscal reforms to the financing of health, education and social protection. ‘Date Cuenta’ generated over 55 original campaign messages that were tailored to the realities of seven priority countries (Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru and Honduras) and disseminated in Spanish, Portuguese and English. In doing so, we convened more than 65 online co-creation workshops with partners, coordinating a unified communications strategy which combined digital outreach, press and media coverage, and collaboration with influencers. Ultimately, ‘Date Cuenta’ resulted in more than 60,000 interactions on social media, coverage in major regional and international media outlets, including El País, Deutsche Welle, Bloomberg and France 24, and the participation of at least 63 social media influencers through 58 dedicated publications. In collaboration with Fundación Gabo and the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, we also organised a two-day workshop in Bogota with 20 journalists from 13 countries, building a regional network trained in a human rights-based approach to fiscal policy that has since generated published media coverage on outlets such as La Diaria, Ciper, El Diario Ar and Milenio. Through ‘Date Cuenta’ and our regional advocacy, we strengthened civil society engagement in key processes, including the Financing for Development track and FfD4, co-organised highlevel dialogues with states and civil society from Latin America and Africa.

What's next?

We will shape the UN Tax Convention and its Protocols so they embed human rights principles, and we will stay engaged through follow-up processes (including the expected Conference of the Parties) to support effective implementation. We will keep linking tax and climate finance so that new resources mobilised through fiscal cooperation are channelled to adaptation, mitigation, and loss and damage, in line with UNFCCC commitments.

Public Services for Care Societies

We have translated participatory research into accountability and policy outcomes.

In Ivory Coast, our work with Mouvement Ivoirien des Droits Humains and affected communities since 2023 exposed how privatisation and lack of accountability restrict access to quality healthcare. It contributed to the closure of 1,022 illegal private health centres, an executive instrument strengthening the regulation of private hospitals across the country, and the creation of a permanent complaints management committee in healthcare through a bylaw issued by the prefect of Gagnoa. Partners engaged through this process also advanced concrete improvements at facility level: members of the Gagnoa Midwives Association who took part in the participatory action research pooled resources to renovate the neonatal unit of the Regional Hospital, and the Director of the Gagnoa General Hospital launched an action plan to expand services and improve patient reception, with the facility receiving the award for best hospital in the country in 2025.

In Kenya, our research with the Mathare Education Taskforce documented the absence of public schools and the expansion of private provision, evidencing impacts on households and caregivers and strengthening demands for free, quality public education. This work contributed to stronger community agency and collective organisation, alongside ongoing strategies ranging from communications to litigation to secure a public school in the area, some involving GI-ESCR and others led independently.

Across Africa, this work is complemented by a multi-country study examining the human rights implications of austerity in education and health, including how regressive fiscal policies, rising debt burdens and persistent underinvestment undermine the financing and delivery of public services.

In Latin America, from 29 November to 2 December 2021, over a thousand representatives from over one hundred countries, from grassroots movements, advocacy, human rights, and development organisations, feminist movements, trade unions, and other civil society organisations, met in Santiago, Chile, and virtually, to discuss the critical role of public services for our future. Following the meeting, the Santiago Declaration on Public Services was adopted to demand universal access to quality, gender-transformative and equitable public services as the foundation of a fair and just society.

We are currently advancing work on care systems, linking public services and fiscal justice through integrated research, advocacy and communications, including a regional campaign framing care as a collective responsibility requiring sustained public investment.

What's next?

In Ivory Coast, we will evaluate and strengthen the complaints management committee and position it as a replicable model for other health facilities. In Kenya, we will support the Mathare community to co-design a model public school for Mabatini and Ngei wards, grounded in human rights standards. Building on our multi-country austerity study, we will drive national advocacy on financing for education and health: advancing reforms in Ghana; launching a fiscal policy and public services financing agenda in Kenya through the CESCR process and targeted coalition work; and, in Nigeria, using the new tax acts in force since 1 January 2026 to catalyse a national accountability campaign for adequately funded, quality public services. In Latin America, we will amplify locally led care pilots across 8 countries and turn lessons into influence—advancing care policies that strengthen care organisations, protect care workers’ rights, support unpaid caregivers, include disability and family networks, and redistribute care more equitably.